The Truth about October:

Grenadians Will Win

Dear Prime Minister Mitchell:

Recall, for history’s sake, that on the morning of October 19, 1983, members of the NJM Central Committee gathered at the Coard’s Mt. Wheldale compound, optimistic that a solution to the NJM party crisis was imminent. The crisis emerged from a proposal for joint leadership between the two top leaders of NJM, Maurice Bishop and Bernard Coard. This proposal, internal to NJM, spilled over into the broader Grenadian society and became a national political crisis.

What transpired then is Grenada’s most haunted saga and worst nightmare in the last five decades.

On that historic day, Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and three former cabinet ministers—Jacqueline Creft, Norris Bain and Unison Whiteman—were lined up against a wall on Fort Rupert and executed. Four others: Fitzroy Bain, Evelyn Bullen, Evelyn Maitland, and Keith Hayling experienced the same fate. Such an act was, for most people, morally outrageous and reprehensible. This violence was totally incomprehensible and an unjustifiable punishment. Today, it is still inexplicable.

Avis Ferguson, Nelson Steele and Vince Noel were also killed. Gemma Belmar, a young high school student, wounded in the melee, died subsequently in hospital.

Evidently, Brother Bishop and some close friends, who illegally led a civilian crowd to enter Fort Rupert, the PRA Headquarters, gave instructions to arm the civilians. After it was overran—without resistance—by the civilian crowd, Lt. Colonel Layne, the PRA Commander dispatched some of our people in uniform to regain control of its Headquarters.

Three soldiers were also killed by gunfire, ostensibly by the armed civilian crowd. They are Raphael Mason, Dorset Peters and Conrad Mayers who died shortly afterwards in hospital.

Another five persons–apparently no more–lost their lives, probably by the stampede/melee/and jumping over the wall on the fort. These include Eric Dumont, Romain Alleyne, Simon Alexander, Andy Alexander and Glen Nathan.

Notwithstanding these deaths, it is my sincere belief that when our people awoke that fateful morning 16 Octobers ago nobody knew how the day was going to unfold much less knew its bloody end. I am saying this to say that I believe that none of the leading players of the Revolution planned the deaths of other Grenadian patriots on October19. Maurice did not plan to kill the revolutionary soldiers. Equally, I contend that neither Bernard, his wife, Phyllis Coard, Ian St. Bernard, Kamau McBarnette, Chris Stroude, Cecil Prime, Selwyn Strachan, Liam James nor the others planned to kill Gemma Belmar, Evelyn Bullen, Norris Bain, Maurice Bishop and the others.

Before I leave this background, I wish to point out that all of this could have been avoided if our leaders on both sides of the dispute were prepared to listen with empathy to the concerns of each other, if they were more tolerant and respectful with one another. Instead, in the few weeks from September 16 both sides of the leadership got caught up and lost in the semantics about leadership of NJM and not sufficiently focused and passionate with managing the affairs of the people and our country. In a word, they lost their vision and in the process became drunk on slogans while forgetting that in unity there is strength. Consequently, this foolish debate became manifest in the implosion of the revolution and the death and imprisonment of some of the best talents Grenada had ever seen. And by the way, there were no winners in this debate. And still no winners 16 years later. The whole of Grenada lost and the winners are drinking champagne and making comic books from the stolen documents

Let us consider two very important and relevant questions: What was the US goal in its campaign to invade the Grenada Revolution? What was their goal after the invasion?

Recall that the US Administration of President Reagan saw the Grenada Revolution in Cold War perspectives. In his now famous Star Wars speech of March 1983, in describing Grenada and our efforts to build the Maurice Bishop International Airport aimed at breaking away from the cycle of imperial dependency, President Reagan said then that "…it is the United States’ national security" that was at stake. On taking office in January 1981, President Reagan vouched to end the spread of the Marxist virus in his backyard.

So, before the invasion the US goal was to strangle the revolution. After the implosion and invasion, their goal was to liquidate the remaining leadership of the Revolution and crush forever all traces of progressive and revolutionary ideas and activities in Grenada. In so doing they hoped to scare other Caribbean patriots into submission and prevent progressive changes in the Caribbean. With regards to NJM, their scheme involved employing the US Psychops Unit to demonize the remaining leadership and then use the Grenadian Court System as legal cover for achieving their political goals. Remember the same strategy was used with Panama and General Noriega!

Clausewitz is famous for this statement: "War is the continuation of politics by other means." Richard Hart, former Attorney General of Grenada, referred to the political show trial as "the continuation of warfare, that is, the invasion and occupation of Grenada, by other means to secure convictions…." Thus, the former political leaders should never be allowed to continue their dangerous and contagious social experiment in the US backyard. The corrupt judicial process was a continuation of the US invasion by other means, aimed at physically eliminating the surviving revolutionary leaders in Grenada.

Here is a short list of supporting facts for the argument that the trial of the remaining leadership of the Grenada Revolution was a political show trial.

1. As part of the October 25 invasion, US military personnel arrested several Grenadian patriots. After being held for over three months without being charged or told the reasons for their detention, twenty persons were eventually charged with conspiracy to commit an act of terrorism, which carried a maximum penalty of 25 years in prison. About 3 weeks later these charges were changed to murder.
2. President Reagan—during his brief visit to Grenada 2 months before the jury was handpicked for the trial—announced a grant of US$5.5 million for strengthening the Eastern Caribbean Judiciary, but really to pay for the trial in Grenada.
3. A judge of the Grenada Court of Appeal, Justice Liverpool was appointed to administer this fund.
4. A battery of foreigners administered prison conditions, tortured the prisoners, investigated and prosecuted the case. Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner of Police and the Commissioner of Prisons came from Barbados; the torturers and Investigating officers were from Antigua and Barbados; the Attorney General from Barbados; the DPP from Jamaica; the Chief Prosecutor from Trinidad; and specially hired Judge Byron from St. Kitts.
5. The court was declared unconstitutional on May 10, 1985 and the case continued in a "court of necessity". Ian Ramsey, a distinguished Caribbean lawyer, reasoned that a court cannot be unconstitutional and lawful at the same time when the Constitution is the supreme law of any state. He concluded that if it is unconstitutional, then it is not a court.
6. The empanelling of the jury was done in the absence of the accused, and by a lawyer, who only days before was prosecuting the case against the Grenada 17.
7. 35,000 pounds of documents, including evidence was stolen and in US archives.
8. A common accepted practice about the legal system is the independence of the judiciary; that is, the judiciary is supposed to be beyond corruption and judges are supposed to have tenure of office to be able to remain in office regardless of the will of politicians. Judge Byron, who tried the case, had no tenure; he had a temporary appointment, just for this one case and left Grenada within a day of the convictions in 1986.
9. The end result was obscene: a temporary judge convicted 17 persons in a temporary, unconstitutional court.
10. UN Resolution 2200A of December 16, 1966 declares that it is contrary to International Law of Human Rights for an unconstitutional court to try capital cases and impose the death penalty.
11. Prime Minister John Compton of St. Lucia, then Chairman of the OECS, set out the real reason for the unconstitutional court in a letter to PM Blaize on March 22, 1988. The letter states that the OECS Authority, "[they] consider the time for the re-admission of Grenada…until the appeals regarding the murder of Prime Minister Bishop and his colleagues have been disposed of by the Appeals Court of Grenada."
12. More than 8 years after the "temporary court of appeal" affirmed the convictions no written document for the reasons have been provided to the Grenada Government.
13. Grenada was returned to the constitutional court—the OECS court—within hours after the unconstitutional court affirmed the convictions of the Grenada 17.

According to these facts, it is very clear that the Grenada government of the day, the judges, and the prosecutors—under the watchful eyes of the Ronald Reagan Administration—were all in collusion to produce the greatest miscarriage of justice in the western world since Nuremberg. The victory of the "temporary, unconstitutional, kangaroo court" had to vindicate the victors!

These Grenada 17 prisoners are American political prisoners in Grenada. A US scholar described them as the last remaining prisoners of the Cold War.

All Grenada governments since the invasion have so far conspired with the US to keep the Grenada 17 up in Richmond Hill. Because there are no transcripts, according to Mr. Lloyd Noel, the case cannot be brought before any other appeal court, whether the OECS or the Privy Council. The reason: a reminder and a message to what would be the fate of those who attempt to break away from the clutches of imperial America and experiment with a different social system.

In the meantime, the US continues with its business of economic and global expansion. While we in Grenada are consuming our energies in hate, vengeance, spite and division. While we keep fighting each other, some of our best sons and daughters become "refugees" in the US and other metropolitan centers in their search for shelter from the decades of political instability, intolerance and division. This writer was twice described as a threat to Grenada’s security by two former Grenadian governments. Other Grenadians have been so and continue to be so described.

When is this absurdity going to end? Who is responsible for making sure Grenada comes out from this long nightmare of hate, division and violence? When are Grenadians going to be winners?

I believe Grenadians will win this long and weary battle. We will win only when we focus and concentrate on our common goals. We will win when we give up intolerance and division. We will win when we recognize the magical powers of healing, reconciling, and restoring our humanity. We will win when we are ready to condemn the perpetuation of vengeance and atrocities against our brothers and sisters, otherwise, in the words of Martin Luther King, Jr. "…we will all die together as fools." We will win when we agree to fight for unity, condemn hate and embrace our common destiny as brothers and sisters.

We will win and our children will sing sweet joyful melodies in their villages where peace and unity abound. Our common victory will be the source of an historic celebration and will usher in a bright new day for Grenada.

It is my belief that the same October, the month of pain and trauma, is the best time for us as a people to sow the seeds of healing and caring in the soil of reason somewhere between vengeance and forgiveness. And the reason: we need to come face to face with our history of conflicts and begin the search for the truth. We the people must encourage the ruling government to begin consultation with interest groups such as the Church, the Grenada Forum, the Chamber, Unions, and the Bar Society to explore a formula for national healing, reconciliation and restoration of our people’s humanity.

Prime Minister Mitchell, you seem to understand what you must do, but it appears that it is just you and Mr. Bowen from your party and government who are talking about reconciliation. Hence, you alone do not have the formula, but in consultations with interested parties the best solution for Grenada can be realized.

Sir, much work needs to be done. But these must be part of the formula.

1. Secure the remains of the bodies of Maurice Bishop and others and give them a decent burial;
2. Do an official account of the number of citizens who lost their lives in October 1983 (both on October 19 and the patriotic war against the US invasion);
3. Honor Grenadians who died in 1983 in various ways, including naming the airport Maurice Bishop International Airport;
4. Request of the US to return all documents removed from Grenada in 1983, and
5. Release the Grenada 17.

Prime Minister Mitchell, please show us that you are a leader with vision and have a mission for national reconciliation. From the results of last January General Elections, you have evidently earned the responsibility to take this beloved homeland out of the nightmare of hate and division. But you must act with wisdom in the execution of your authority. This December—which heralds the end of an era and the start of both a new century and millenium—is an ideal occasion to turn a new leaf and clean the slate. When you take the lead on all five points above, and I believe you will, Grenadians will be winners and your name will be written in the hearts and minds of your fellowman forever.

I thank you Sir for the time and the patience you have shown for going through this letter. I have the confidence that you will act magnanimously and do the right things for Grenada.

Respectfully